Комментарии:Cf. also notes to *úmu 'to bear' (the reflexes of which tend to merge with the reflexes of *i̯ámu with specialized meanings 'vulva, genitals').
Комментарии:The root is very similar to *i̯ū́ńa 'pit, ravine' and *i̯ŭ́ne 'notch (on arrow)' q. v., and there could have been some interaction between them - which could, in particular, explain Turk. -n instead of the expected *-ń.
Комментарии:ЭСТЯ 1, 500. The Turkic form is hard to separate, although one would rather expect a back vowel (*iab-) here. There indeed exists a PT root *(i)abɨ- 'to bend, fall, swing' (Tat. avu- 'to bend, fall', Oyr. abɨ-, Tuva aa-t-tɨn- 'to swing', Kirgh. oo- 'to bend on one side, fall, swing, also in a play', oon- 'to roll, as a dog', Kaz. awu-, awɨn-, avɨ-t-qu- 'id.', Nogh. avɨ-, avna-, avda- 'id.', Bashk. aw-, awn-, awδ- 'id.', KBalk. aw-, awan-, awda- 'id.', Karaim avd-, Kum. avun-), whose relationship to *ebir- is not quite clear. {Cf. PE *uvǝ-ʁ- (-a-) 'to turn upside down, to tilt, round'}
Комментарии:A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. In Kor. one has to suppose a secondary monophthongization (*jǝ́rhì > *írhì), cf. the attested Old Koguryo *yaši ( = *yarhi) 'wolf' (see Miller 1979, 10).
Комментарии:The Turkic reflex is somewhat questionable; it belongs here if we suppose a semantic development 'young (animal)' > 'young horse, stallion'.
Комментарии:Cf. Bur. jogšo- 'to ache, nag'. Turk. *īg is perhaps a result of secondary narrowing < *(i)ēg. In TM there exists also an apparent derivative *iagsi- 'to sneeze' which is very similar to PT *aksɨr- (*agsɨr-) id. (see ЭСТЯ 1, 194-195). This may be either an old derivative, phonetically distorted in Turkic, or an independent onomatopoeic root.
Комментарии:Korean demonstrates a frequent vowel elision. Phonetically a good match would be PTM *iata 'ritual pollution, desecration in child-birth', but the meaning appears too specialized.
